What ofIndia?
A
marg survey[[1]22]
of Indian youth attitudes in 31 cities reveals:-
for 32% money is valued
most of all;
for 31% self-respect is
most important;
for 11% social status is
most valued;
for 9% the sense of
accomplishment is valued;
for only 3% honesty is
valued most; for only 2% hard work and courage are most valued.
“This is the here-and-now
generation,” writes Carole Andrade, “who want to amass wealth, have good
times, experiment with sex, be concerned only with comfort without
being bothered about the future in real terms.” [[1]23]
A survey
by
FORE
[Foundation for Organizational
Research and Education] [[1]24]
in six state capitals reveals that since 1983, when earning a lot of
money was a low down tenth in priority, it has soared in 1994 to become
the obsessive focus
as the be-all and end-all. Creativity, security, stability, integrity
and being useful to society are of no concern. Such young
over-achievers are perceived as high-handed,
abrasive, ferociously
demanding
instant gratification and, if denied, changing jobs frequently. The consumerist blitz launched by the TV and media is blamed for fueling
exaggerated ideas of personal worth and the sense that an
ever-increasing bank balance or possession of expensive goods can be
one’s sole claim to fame or even to acceptance by one’s peers. This is
accompanied by an incredible burn-out rate. Yet, we seem to be blind to
the implications of the social chasm deepened and the tensions heightened
by fresh MBAs getting annual salaries averaging Rs.18.3 lakhs, with a
maximum of $225,000 from multi-national firms, while
the indicators of rural poverty shoot up by
14 to 43% (1993) following the economic
liberalization.[[1]25]
Even more interesting is the finding by Jeffrey Pfeffer, professor at
Stanford Business School, and Christina Fong that studies by consulting
firms and investment banks--who are the major employers of MBAs--indicate
that non-MBAs fare just as well in their careers.[[1]26]
It is useful to compare
this with the attitude of their American compatriots, as it shows how
Indian youth are following role models which are no longer current in the
West. The MBA was invented in America in 1908 and commands tremendous
dominance in the job market. Listing their reasons for choosing a career,
the batch of 1993 in Harvard Business School ranked as most important the
job content and level of responsibility followed by company
culture and the caliber of colleagues. They preferred a high level of
social responsibility. Surprisingly, salary ranked a poor seventh
in their list of priorities. And yet, in describing what they detest,
these young high-fliers sound quite akin to the Indian M.B.A.s, namely,
firms where mediocrity instead of risk-taking higher performance gets
rewarded; where it takes too long to get adequate responsibility and
rewards; where flexibility regarding when and where to work is inadequate
and one gets easily stuck in a dead-end job.[[1]27]
Aspen
Institute’s Initiative for Social Innovation through Business (ISIB)
conducted a continuing study (1999-2001) to measure attitudes of 2200 MBA
students from 13 major international business schools towards business
roles and responsibilities and how MBA education affected these. The study
came out with six major findings:
They believe they would
provide more balanced leadership than business leaders do currently by
giving greater consideration to social and environmental concerns.
During the 2 years of
study they shift their priorities from “customer needs” to “shareholder
value”, thus narrowing their sphere of concern from societal to corporate
and copying current corporate leaders in privileging shareholders over
other stakeholders in making business decisions, but they would prefer a
balanced stakeholder approach.
They will have to make
decisions in business that will clash with their values and in such cases
most would look for another job instead of comprising to work within a
firm whose values clash with their own. They are pessimistic about
corporate organizations being receptive to any value-driven change that,
as managers, they might attempt and they expect value clashes.
Actually, the students
are not sure what “social responsibility” is. Many think it is creating a
happier and more productive work force that is the job of the HR
department.
They would like their
course to show them how fulfilling social responsibility is financially
beneficial and would prefer that it is part of the core curriculum instead
of featuring in the electives.
In Aspen’s dialogues with
business leaders and executive education meetings a consistent message has
come through: the world needs not only new skills but also an
understanding of the interdependence of business needs and societal
concerns. The very fact of globalization of the marketplace is dictating a
need for “stewardship skills” blurring distinctions between private and
public concerns. Business is facing the challenge of solving complex
social and environmental problems because of which they require managers
able to understand diverse cultural, social and political systems and cope
with vastly different infrastructure and resource issues while working in
the Third World. Yet, pressures on time drive out the complex processes
needed for covering the latter in management education.[[1]28]
A study of 2000 Indian
managers found that over 70% of them believed that a majority of them fell
into the category of “values weak, skills strong”. The Indian corporate
sector is seen today to be facing a five-point crisis of leadership,
mobility, focusing, empowerment and vision. Grabbing power for personal
ends is as much a trait in Indian business as in American. The vision of
J.N. Tata is lost: “The whole of the wealth is held in trust for the
people and used exclusively for their benefit. The cycle is thus complete;
what came from the people has gone back to the people many times over.”[[1]29]
Chin-NingChu
warns, “When a nation begins to
disproportionately place value on
individuals who
can generate the largest sum of
money within the shortest time as a measure of success, the nation’s
character has to suffer.” She goes on to make a telling point: “What would America
be today
if, two hundred years ago, our founding fathers and early settlers had
been driven solely by the desire for instant gratification?” [[1]30]
The Indian scene in the context of the changes presaged
by globalization presents a disturbing picture. [[1]31]
What immediately springs to view is
the incidence of violence bred by the consumerist principle underlying the western acquisitive
world-view and
the murderous
competitiveness
it
spawns. In his 1996 address to the nation on Republic Day eve, the
President of India urged overcoming the interconnected evils of
communalism, casteism, corruption and criminalization which “are operating
in tandem.” The main issues are:
Corruption
is destroying
public morale. On the Golden Jubilee of Independence the Prime Minister
called from the ramparts of Red Fort to fight this hydra. India’s ranking
in corruption by Transparency International has steadily risen from 66th
in 1998 to 71st in 2002, making it the 31st most corrupt nation.[[1]32]
The Political & Economic Risk Consultancy Ltd’s report of what foreign
company executives believe about corruption in Asia reveals that India is
getting more corrupt, being the second most corrupt nation after
Indonesia, followed by Vietnam, with Singapore remaining the least corrupt
since 1997. Corruption in India unfortunately affects ordinary people’s
daily lives in basic ways, unlike the massive scandals in the West.[[1]]
After the
hawala and housing allotment
exposures leading to resignations
of several Union Government Ministers and
their indictment by the Supreme Court, the gawala (animal
husbandry) and cobbler scandals in Bihar and Assam, the arrest of the
Chief Minister of Bihar and a former Chief Minister, the multi-crore
telecom, urea,
sugar and medical equipment purchase cases, the sensational Tehelka
video-tape revelations of corruption in defence purchases, the conviction
of the former Prime Minister and the ex-Home Minister of India, successive
Chief Ministers of Tamil Nadu arresting each other and their retired Chief
Secretaries along with the conviction of one Chief Minister and senior
bureaucrats, the lurid mythology of corruption
has been revealed as only too vividly real.
There have been at least ten
major scams since 1992, leading to the last decade of the century being
termed “the scam decade.”[[1]33]
This spans the entire spectrum from government to the private sector (the
financial securities and stock exchange scams, the conduct of the Chairmen
of SAIL, TELCO, ITC and the Indian Bank). In disgust, the Chief Election
Commissioner exclaimed: “I have been, since the last four years, searching
for one square foot of this country which is made up of dry sand…I am
looking for dryness which is not impregnated with corruption…every single
institution in this country is centrally eroded by corruption…rub off that
statement which says below the three lions Satyameva Jayate and
change it to Rishvateva Jayate. What else will be more
appropriate?”[[1]34]
The Vohra Committee Report tabled
in Parliament speaks of
the mafia network
“virtually running a parallel Government, pushing theState
apparatus into irrelevance,”
of “a politician-bureaucrat-underworld nexus,” (as a case in point,
the Report describes the case of Iqbal Mirchi, a petty smuggler of foreign
liquor and cigarettes, who has become a billionaire in just four years)
and of even the judiciary falling prey to the mafia (the Patna High Court
has found at least 70 cases of forged judicial orders involving lawyers
and court staff while 3 Punjab High Court judges are involved in the PSC scam of selling government
jobs) which has caused “a sense of despair and alienation among the
people.”[[1]35]
The 2002 report by TI, entitled
Corruption in South Asia -Insights & Benchmarks from Citizen Feedback Surveys in Five Countries,
identifies high levels of corruption encountered by citizens attempting to
access seven basic public services. In India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, 100%
of respondents that interacted with the police during the past year
reported encountering corruption. In Bangladesh, this figure was 84% and
in Nepal, 48%. In their experiences with the judiciary, nearly all Indian
(100%), Sri Lankan (100%), and Pakistani (96%) households polled reported
paying bribes. Judicial corruption was also significant in Bangladesh (75%
of users) and Nepal (42 % of users). After the police and judiciary, land
administration was identified as the next most corrupt sector across the
region, according to the experiences of South Asian households. In
Pakistan, 100% of respondents with experience with the land administration
authorities reported corruption and in Sri Lanka this figure was 98%. Land
administration was somewhat cleaner in Bangladesh (73% of users reported
corruption), India (47% of users) and Nepal (17% of users).[[1]]
The
President of India in his speech to the nation on 15th August 2000
condemned the unholy alliance between criminals and politicians. Dr N. Vittal, the Chief Vigilance Commissioner, identified five main players in
the field of corruption: the politician (neta), the bureaucrat (babu),
the businessman (lala), the NGO (jhola), the criminal (dada).
He pinpointed five causes behind corruption flourishing: “(i) scarcity of
goods and services, (ii) lack of transparency, (iii) red tape and delay
due to obsolete rules and procedures which are time consuming and
encourage speed money, (iv) cushions of legal safety which have been laid
down by various pronouncements of the courts and CATs on the principle
that everybody is innocent till proved guilty. The net result is that the
corrupt are able to engage the best lawyers and quibble their way through
the system…These five reasons are a mutually reinforcing vicious cycle of
corruption.”[136]
A tremendous
rise in all
kinds of violence: anti-state, inter-group, intra-familial, mob
frenzy. If we shudder at children battering other children
and the aged
to death in England, the scene is not
much better back home. In September 1995 in Orissa 3 boys aged between 10
and 12 murdered a
10 year old playmate. Police have found
formal applications from rural youth (some of whom are post- graduates) to
Bombay dons declaring their admiration
for the gangsters’ style of functioning and begging to be
allowed to carve out careers in crime under their guidance. The connection
between the mafia and the Bombay film industry has been blown wide open.
The National Crime Records Bureau finds that the percentage of ‘heinous’
crimes (murders, rape, theft) in which children are involved rose from 5.8
in 1992 to 6.5% in 1996 while 56% of all crimes are committed by those
between 16 and 25 years of age.[[1]37]
The
Chairman
of the National Human Rights Commission has indicted TV for promoting
indirectly the psychology of violence and being even more
dangerous than AIDS.[[1]38]
The Chief Election Commissioner very perceptively pointed out the cause of
this outbreak: “Corruption and money power are taking over everywhere.
There is a developing loss of faith in the machinery for the redressal of
grievance…On anybody’s side there is no accountability… What is the
external manifestation of all these ills? It is societal violence. When a
society cannot contain any more of its griefs and angers, it erupts in
violence.” He goes much farther and indicts the people directly: “The
centrality of Indian politics today is cash, criminality and
corruption…you are responsible. This country sat and watched every single
thing that was central to our existence being destroyed by repeated blows
on the body politic and everybody kept quiet saying that this doesn’t
concern him.”[[1]39]
A tacit
acceptance of the criminalization of politics and a growing insensitivity to murder,
bloodshed, gang-wars, rape,
bribery. Daylight
shoot-outs have become common in Bombay and the Gujarat riots of 2002 have
seen the state government unashamedly turning a blind eye to horrific
atrocities despite strictures by the National Human Rights Commission. In
Haryana five Dalits were massacred by a crowd celebrating Dussehra for
skinning a dead cow, for which they had a licence. The Chief Election
Commissioner stated [[1]40]
that in Uttar Pradesh 180 out
of its 425 M.L.A.s have criminal records; that in the last
elections in Bihar 243 candidates had criminal charges against them; and in
Calcutta’s 1995
municipal elections a criminal won as an Independent candidate and was
wooed by both the major
political parties for swinging the balance of
power in their favor.
One
recently elected MP is charged with 57 cases of murder and dacoity and the
courts have criticized Government’s move to withdraw criminal cases
against such persons as politically and caste motivated. G.V.G
Krishnamoorthy, Election Commissioner, in a press note in 1999 on “Sample
Profile of Criminalization of Politics” states there are 40 MPs and 700
out of 4072 MLAs involved in criminal cases in 25 States and 2 Union
Territories.[141]
In an astonishing display of brazen shamelessness and remarkable
unanimity, in July 2002 all 21 political parties rejected the Supreme
Court’s directive empowering the Election Commission to seek details about
a candidates assets, criminal antecedents and educational qualifications.
The Vohra
Committee Report bluntly speaks of narco-terrorist networks prevailing in
severalstates.
A meeting of all Chief Secretaries of State Governments with the Cabinet
Secretary in November 1996 stressed the need to break the vicious nexus
between bureaucracy, crime and politics, significantly avoiding mention of
who is to bell the cat. Parliament in its special session to commemorate
the 50th year of Independence adopted resolutions against selecting for
elections candidates with criminal records. Yet, in successive elections,
parties have persisted in putting up candidates with prominent police
records. Allied to this is the alarming phenomenon of the criminalization
of the elite caused by “rampant, runaway consumerism,” writes Praful
Bidwai, “…as a result of neo-liberal economic policies…and the official
inclination to see signs of ‘progress’ in greater, unbounded, mindless
consumption.” He blames the absence of ethical and humane content in our
education which fails to inculcate any values of responsible citizenship,
encouraging the decline of society into a Hobbesian state which is nasty,
brutish, short. Side by side with the absence of effective internal
restraints is the decline of external deterrents with the rule of law
itself seeming to waste away.[[1]42]
Rapid spread
of dowry cutting across caste, sect, religion, class, region has
increased intra-familial violence enormously. It has particularly infiltrated
the higher civil services where dowry upto
a crore of rupees is
being
taken despite the existence of legislation which they are duty-bound to
implement.
The UNDP’s
latest report ranks India 124th, down from 113rd last year, towards the
bottom of the international list. The liberalisation of the economy led to
a decline in employment from 2.5% during 1983-94 to 0.98% from 1994-2000.[143]
The U.N. Gender Development Index ranks India 103rd among 130nationsin
terms of the status given to women (HumanDevelopmentReport
1996). In terms of the Human
Development Index 1998, based on longevity, knowledge and standard of
living, India scores 139, far below Sri Lanka (90) and even below Myanmar
(131). The gender ratio has shrunk from 945 girls to 1000 boys in 1991 to
927:1000 in 2001, showing the obscurantism that rules so strongly in the
country that shuts its eyes to the brutal truth by boasting of worshipping
woman as mother and goddess. The Indian
family largely practices child marriage; gang-rapes the sathin
(social worker) who dares to protest;
revilesinter-religious
and inter-caste
marriages to the extent of murdering defiant couples; demands huge
dowries; beats, bullies and burns wives; tolerates bigamy and even
celebrates it in political and cinematic stars; resists maintaining
abandoned wives; insists on male children; practices female
foeticide and infanticide; neglects, under-nourishes and deprives its
daughters of education; does not acknowledge the equal right of woman to
patrimony and
equal wages; abuses aged parents, looking upon them as
liabilities.[[1]44].
Dr Mallika Sarabhai [[1]45]
paints a scathing portrait of the moral decrepitude of Indian society
after the Gujarat 2002 riots:
‘There is a wonderfully
pragmatic system in Buddhist Thailand of ensuring one’s entry to heaven.
All good deeds have been given points, and by performing them, one adds
them up in one’s heaven counter…People go around with little notebooks in
their purses or briefcases, toting up points… In today’s India, a similar
book would read something like this. Helped in looting minority shops and
managed to get free shoes for the whole family— 30 points. Didn’t get my
hands dirty by helping a cyclist who was knocked over, therefore protected
my family from police nuisance— 15 points. Encouraged my child to feel he
belongs by saying the correct slokas/hymns/verses from one holy book while
burning one of the others— 40 points. Didn’t raise my head to protest
against the rape of a minor girl, thus conforming with the majority— 30
points. One’s route to heaven brightens every day. Global-I-sation has
swept our country in a big way. With each passing minute, the circle of
people or institutions that we consider our concern, draws closer and
closer to the I of global-I-sation. We used to protect our village. But
now the village is divided into castes and communities. We used to protect
our caste, but that too is now divided into gotras and sub
gotras. We used to protect our families; but after all,
daughters-in-law don’t really belong to our families. We used to protect
our offspring; but then daughters are going to go off to other families
anyway, so how do they matter? We used to protect our wives; but frankly
wives are replaceable. So that leaves us. Sorry, that leaves me. As we
Indians seem to be following Nazism in so many ways just now, in so many
hidden and no-so-hidden garbs, perhaps a paraphrasing of my favourite (and
blood-chillingly real) German poem wouldn’t be amiss:
“When they came for the
Darkies, I didn’t say anything for I wasn’t a Darkie
When they came for the low
castes, I didn’t say anything for I wasn’t a low caste
When they came for the
maimed, I didn’t say anything for I wasn’t maimed
When they came for the
women, I didn’t say anything for I wasn’t a woman
When they came for the
minors, I didn’t say anything for I wasn’t a minor
When they came for the
weak, I didn’t say anything for I wasn’t weak
And when they came for me,
no-one said anything,
For there was no-one left
to speak.”
‘Yes, we have become
amoral in our blindness. In our self-centeredness. In our destructive
belief that the world and life is about I, for I, and that everything can
be used, misused and abused as long as it is for the greater glory of I.”
The traditional family
ties and respect for elders has broken down. A 65 years old dalit woman
complains that today--she calls it Kaliyugam-- the younger people forcibly
stop them from working for upper castes but do not provide them
sustenance. Instead, “they beat their parents, wives and sisters
indiscriminately (and) instead of finding a job, they take away the money
that our young girls earn. They abuse everyone at home in filthy language,
despite their higher education.” A 67 years old dalit man stated, “Even
before they grow a moustache, they have a concubine. They don’t go for
work. If the parents ask them, they beat the parents up. They drink a
lot.” As for the girls, a 63 years old dalit man complained, “They wear
‘Jannal’ (window) design blouses and the cloth is also transparent...It is
impossible to control the present-day employed women. They argue with
their parents; do not respect their brothers; and do not wear decent
dresses.” On the other hand, the working dalit woman complains that even
younger brothers spy on them and through threats seek to control them
because of the belief that keeping one’s sister under control is a proof
of manhood.[[1]]
With the
surge of infotainment, satellite TV has ushered in a climate of
sexual permissiveness and violence into the living room both in villages
and cities through
over 50
million
TV sets, breeding consumerism (neighbor’s envy, owner’s pride) at
a frenetic pace. Advertisers spend about
$300 million annually on television to pander to
the lowest impulses. Yet, in neighboring China satellite dishes
are
outlawed and cable is strictly controlled; in Singapore and Malaysia MTV
is banned. In India the government TV channel beams MTV at a time when
children are back from schools and colleges while parents are still out at
work. The report of the Media Advocacy Group,
commissioned by the National Commission of Women and the Jamia Millia University,
reveals the obsessive
focus
of satellite TV programs on using
sex to sell
products regardless of the deleterious impact on our cultural
fiber which holds the vast nation together.[[1]46]
Playboy and Spice Network, the two major
companies in the cybersex business, have moved into Latin America and
Asia, estimating that within the next decade at least half of their
television revenues, from pay-per-view shows, will come from abroad. While
phone sex-chat services and their advertisements are banned in Germany and
some other countries, these are freely publicised in India.
[[1]47]
All this is
creating a milieu where goods are bought not because
they are needed but because one’s status depends upon what
one has, not on what one is. Veteran journalist Sham Lal perceptively
points out that
the new global order has emptied the idea of the world as one family,
vasudhaiva kutumbakam, of all moral sense, purged it of sentimental
claptrap about mankind sharing the same existential predicament. It has no
use for those (and this includes whole nations)who have
nothing to sell or buy. “It turns everyone,” he writes, “be
he an artist, a writer, a politician, or a physician, into a
salesman or an avid consumer of sales images.”[[1]48]
That is why Nani Palkhivala voices a trenchant warning: “Professionals
should cultivate their mind—without the sole motive of offering it as a
commodity for sale in the market place. No professional is worthy of his
profession if he has become an animated cash-register. All great thinkers
have emphasized the ‘S’ factor—service to society.” [[1]49]
Hence, the gulf between
the haves and the have-littles or have-nots is
widening sharply, adding yet another tension beyond those of caste,
religion, language, region, status already burdening the poor. This bodes ill for social stability.
The warnings are evident in the popular uprisings in Philippines
(1986), Myanmar (1988), China (1989) where the poor
took tothe
streets. How is it that our intelligentsia remain blind to these lessons
of the recent past?
A distinct teenage
culture has
developed, intensely subject to peer-group pressures because of the TV
blitz. The youth are
constantly being bombarded with the message that to be rich is to be happy.
This is seriously affecting children who are now refusing
to
accept one standard of conduct for their parents and a different one where
they are concerned. The loss of spirituality has accentuated the burden of
peer-pressure and premature adulthood these children have to cope with.
Carol Andrade points out:
“Faced with the barrage of
media images, reprehensible role models, a drop in
societal values that
sneer at
qualities like honesty
and integrity,
can parents keep their children safe?…If we are not to suddenly be
catapulted into a society of precocious, scheming, ambition driven monsters,
parents had better wake up and take a good look at themselves and the
values they are perpetrating. On second thoughts, it may already be too
late.” [[1]50]
Advocacy of
merit is seen as reactionary. Centers of learning are cockpits
for caste, regional and linguistic conflict and intrigue. The Supreme
Court recently quashed the appointments of 3287 primary school teachers in
the districts of Medinipur and Malda in West Bengal because of gross
irregularities. Sunanda Sanyal writes, “Unable to deal with corrupt
politicians, society demands an impossibility: let our schools impart
value-oriented education.” He quotes Rajshekhar Basu, renowned
litterateur, who warned soon after Independence, “As it is, our future is
doomed unless we reform our character.” Sanyal refers to the great
educationist, Dr. Bhabatosh Datta, saying that the problem is not one of
listing the values lost, nor one of suggesting what should be done to
retrieve them but who is going to do what should be done. [[1]51]
That is why Amrita Pritam, pleading for a change in our system of
education, exhorts that the change required “is one of approach of the
mind…Too much acquired knowledge, which is what the present system
emphasizes, isn’t beneficial ultimately. In fact, it is harmful in the
long run. Acquired knowledge makes you clever. What is required instead is
inner awareness, which the present system doesn’t provide an environment
for.” [[1]52]
T.N.Seshan urges, “India is now rapidly recognizing that you can acquire
far more knowledge with far less wisdom. You are teaching your children
all kinds of technical things—bits and bytes, flips and flops—but you are
not teaching our children fundamental ethical values which are not
comparable…are not relative ethics…the fundamental ethics of truth,
compassion and humility have gone out…We have forgotten our ancient
culture. Now we have only the modern culture of rock and rap and crack and
smack and heroin…The fundamental question is to get back to the question,
what is happening to basic human values?…The fundamental evil in the world
today is that knowledge is outstripping wisdom.”[[1]53]
Wealth and
power (artha)
have become sovereign, cutting loose from
dharma, the
moral realm, and are used to gratify the basest desires (kama).
The 1996 international AIDS conference provided the stunning revelation
that India
has the world’s largest HIV affected population (3 million) and the number
is increasing.[[1]54]
Nowhere else in the world does religion flourish so pervasively, and yet
our values remain a mess. Naturally, one wonders whether that is because
of too much religion? [[1]55]
Spread of
stress-related ailments has kept pace with the increase in competitive
culture.
The recurring
phenomenon of students committing suicide during
the school-leaving examinationshas
failed
to arouse rethinking about the brutally competitive system.
Surveying
India in the new millennium, Sainath[[1]56]
writes, “Net-Worship is the main feature of the techno-cretinism that
dominates the Indian media” and, tragically, those living on the margins
of society who would actually benefit from the IT boom are deprived of its
benefits. He finds that “policy is shaped less and less by people’s
representatives, more and more by technocrats and corporate bosses, Indian
and foreign.” He predicts that in the future the state will abdicate
control over levels of literacy, equality and poverty in the interests of
the elite in society.
NaniPalkhivala,[[1]57]
the eminent
jurist, provides an overview of the Indian
situation:
“In thelastfouryears,Indiahasadvanced
economically and witnessed virtually a rebirth of liberalization. But,
politically and socially, we have suffered an equally marked regression.
“Casteism is in the
ascendant and has risen higher than ever before since we became free in
1947. Men far below the national average, in point of character, get
elected on considerations of caste and creed, region and language.
Casteism is the curse of India, even as tribalism is of Africa.India
has been paying the highest price ever paid by any country for
democracy…The greatest crime of our government against our people hasbeen
the failure to impart education. Politicianshaveavested
interest in preserving illiterateand
unthinking vote banks. According to a report of the World Bank by the turn
of thecenturyIndia
will have more illiterates than the rest of the world put together (the
1991 census reports 321 million illiterate people, the largest in any
country). Today the people of India associate democracy with guns,
goons and gold. One of the most thoughtful remarks of De Tocqueville was
that democracy throws mediocrity into power. But the situation becomes
intolerable when democracy throws criminals into power…Democracy can
become so degradedand
depraved (as in the Emergency) that people may yearn fora
change. The Indian people may lose their freedom again, or, alternatively,
the country may suffer disintegration. It is a sad apprehension of what
can happen if the present decline is allowed to continue.”
Yet, instead of devoting
additional resources annually of 0.5 to 1% of the country’s GDP to making
the fundamental right to elementary education (so pronounced by the
Supreme Court in the Unnikrishnan case in 1993) a reality, the policy
makers propose to spend six times as much on increasing salaries in the
losing public sector! Their conscience is salved by conferring the Bharat
Ratna on Amartya Sen (after he got the Nobel Prize) who has been
urging a constitutional amendment to make elementary education a
fundamental right.
Speaking of six fatal
mistakes in the past fifty years that have dragged the country down,
Palkhivala continues, “The fourth major mistake of our Central and State
governments was to completely insulate the people from our ancient culture
and keep them totally ignorant of the priceless heritage which has never
been equaled by any other country.”
The novelist Nirmal Verma laments, “In the half-hearted process of trying to become
‘modern’, we have dried up even those life-giving sources which, in the
darkest periods of historical crises, kept the flame of hope alive. By
slavishly imitating the dazzling ‘models’ of other cultures, we have
destroyed our own spiritual habitat, turning ourselves into orphaned
refugees in our own native land.”[[1]58]
In 2002 the
National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution (NCRWC)
in its report accused the government of neglecting the people:
self-governance having been neglected, the people have no effective say in
their social, political and economic destiny and the administrative system
has been so designed as to limit the sovereignty of the people to the
right to cast votes in elections. Since public servants and institutions
pay lip-service to being servants of the people, citizens have lost faith
in democracy and “needlessly harsh, lugubrious, unimaginative and
indifferent administration” has pushed the poor to the wall. The crises of
leadership, said the Commission, have led to creation of extra-legal
systems, parallel economies and, as the Vohra Committee recorded, even
parallel governments.[[1]59]
The question is:
How
many among the intelligentsia are alive to this crisis
and are willing to act as agents of change for formulating and
implementing a turn-around strategy? None among them seems to have been
struck with shame that Winston Churchill’s statement, when the Indian
Independence Bill was being debated in the House of Commons, has been
proved shamefully prophetic. He warned that passing of the bill would mean
“to hand over the destiny of hungry millions into the hands of rascals,
rogues and freebooters. Not a bottle of water or a loaf of bread will be
free and the blood of hungry millions will be on the head of Mr. Clement
Attlee. India will be lost to political squabbles… Today we hand over the
Government to men of straw of whom no trace will be found in a few years.” [[1]60]
[[i]22] “Important values to young people”, The Times of India, 27.5.1995. [[i]23] Carol Andrade: “Are we raising a nation of Cains?” The Sunday
Times of India, 9.12.1995. [[i]24] Meher Marfatia: “When will the bubble burst?” The Sunday Times of
India Review,
18.6.1995; Bula Bose: “The Way We Are”, The Statesman Festival 2001,
pp. 59-63. [[i]25] S.D.Tendulkar& L.R.Jain:
“EconomicReformsand
Poverty”, EPW,
10.6.1995 p.1374.The average annual salary for 215 IIM
Calcutta MBA graduates in 2001 was
Rs.18.28 lakhs against Rs.2.5 lacs in 1997, while the highest salary
offered was $225,000. 84 jobs were for international placement (Annual
Report 2000-2001). [[i]26]
“The $100,000 question: Do you really need that
MBA?” The Economist,
27.7.2002, p. 56. [[i]27]
Kenneth Labich: “Kissing off Corporate America”, Fortune
(reproduced in SPAN, Oct.
1995, p.25]. [[i]28]
Mary C. Gentile: “Preparing business leaders to manage social
impacts”, Journal of Human Values, 7.2, July-December 2001,
p.107-115. The study covered 1968 MBA students in
13 business schools in
USA, Canada, England,
Budapest. [[i]29]
A. Das Gupta: “Corporate ethical dilemmas: Indian models for moral
management”, Journal of Human Values, 7.2, July-December 2001,
p.182. [[i]30] Chin-Ning Chu op.cit. n.11, p.82. [[i]31] Rajni Kothari: “Under Globalisationwillnationstate
hold?” EPW,
1.7.1995, pp.1593-1603; Ajit Roy: “Civil Society & Nation State in
Context of Globalisation”,
EPW, 5-12 Aug.1995,
p.2005; Nirmal Goswami: “The New Monarchs of Doom”, Indian Express,
1.10.1995; M.N.Srinivas: “Changing Values in India Today”, EPW,
8.5.1993; Justice V.R. Krishna Iyer: “The Indian Crisis”, The Hindu,
12.10.1996 points to corruption, communalism and MNC skullduggery as the three gravest pathologies seekingto
demolish the foundations of our polity. [[i]32]
“A global war against bribery”, The Economist, 16.1.1999, p.
22. [[i]]
“India 2nd-most corrupt: Asia Inc”, The Indian Express,
13.3.2003, p. 11. [[i]33]
Sunil Jain: “Of, by and for the operators”,
SEMINAR June 2001, p. 24. [[i]34]
T.N.Seshan: A Heart full of Burden (UBSPD,
1995, pp. 40,108). [[i]35] The Indian Journal of Public Administration
XLI.3 (1995), pp.640-7. Also
cf. PrafulBidwai:
“Crime-Politics Nexus, the crucial businesslink”,
The Times of India, 29.11.1995. [[i]]
Transparency International press release 17.12.2002
www.transparency.org/ pressreleases_ archive
2002/2002.12.17.south_asia_survey.html [136]
N Vittal: “Applying zero tolerance to corruption: I- The State of
Corruption in India”, CVC
website. [[i]37]
“Youth make a beeline for mafia corporations”, The Times of India, 14.12.1995;
“Guns and teddy bears”, Economic Times 7.12.1997, p.5; “The
criminalisation of the elite” by Praful Bidwai, Frontline,
12.2.1999, p. 107. [[i]38]
Justice Ranganath Misra, former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court,
quoted in The Times of India, 11.12.1995. [[i]39]
Seshan op.cit. p.111. [[i]40]
The Times of India,
18.1.1997, p.1,“Phoolan can be arrested as SC rejects her plea
for blanket bail.” [141]
“India: Rascals Rule”,
The Economist 15.7.1995; “Enforcing a law”, Frontline
19.9.97, p.115. “The dishonest Indian”, TheSunday
Times of India,
17.12.1995, p.13; “All the Chief Minister’s Men”, Indian Express,
4.9.1996, p.9, reporting the ex-Chief Minister of TamilNadu and 14 of
her 27 ministers charged with corruption (the raid on the former Chief
Minister’s residence found 27 kg. of gold and diamond jewelry, 10,500
saris, 350 pairs of foreign footwear, 96 wrist watches, including gold
studded with diamonds, 19 cars). In one of those inexplicable vagaries
of justice, she was acquitted and re-elected as Chief Minister!
Similarly, the ex-Chief Minister of Bihar continues to wield supreme
power throughout the state despite all the cases in court against him.
The World in 1997 (The Economist) presents a succinct
overview of the country situation (p.71). Details are given in Ashok
Malik’s “Balance Sheet of Scandals & Scams”, The Times of India
25.8.1996, p.13 and Sucheta Dalal’s “Cheques and Balances” in The
Indian Express 10.2.2003 p.10 (1990 the Securities scandal of
Rs.5100 to 8800 crore; 1994 the Sugar import scandal causing Rs.5000
crore loss to the nation; 1996 the hawala money -laundering
case of Rs.65 crore involving top politicians and the animal husbandry
gawala case of Rs. 200 crore in Assam and Rs. 950 crore in
Bihar; 1993 the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha bribery case of Rs.3.5 crore to
four Members of Parliament for voting against the no-confidence motion
moved against the Congress government; 1996 the Urea supply scandal of
payment of Rs.133 crore to a Turkish firm without any supply; 1995 the
telecom fraud of Rs. 15 crore involving the Union Telecom Minister;
1995 the Housing and the petrol and gas dealership scandals in which
the Supreme Court has fined two Union Cabinet Ministers for causing
loss to the nation which climaxed in 2002 in the cancellation of all
such licenses since 2000 by the Government of India; 1995 the police
uniform purchase and medicine purchase scandals in Bihar of several
crores of rupees; 1996 the cobbler case in Tamil Nadu regarding
fraudulent purchase of footwear involving over a crore of rupees; 2000
the Unit Trust of India scam wiping out the investment of millions of
middle-class earners and senior citizens, with no action taken against
its Chairman; the Rs.100 crore HomeTrade stock market scam ensnaring
numerous cooperative banks in its net; 2002 R.P.S.Sidhu, Chairman of
the Punjab Public Service Commission, removed for amassing crores of
rupees by selling recruitment to government service and favouring 3
high court judges unduly and S.D. Karnik, member of the Union PSC
arrested for similar misdeeds; 2002 the Calcutta Stock Exchange scam
of Rs.150 crore; 2002 the Patna High Court scam of forged judicial
orders.] [[i]42]
Bidwai op.cit. p. 108. [143]
Nikhil Kumar: “Needed better governance”,
SEMINAR 519, November 2002,
p.41. [[i]44]
Maya Daruwalla in The Asian Age 16.12.1995; Lalita Panicker
“Rights ofPassage”, The
Times of India, 20.9.1996; Rekha Borgohain, The Times of India,
30.9.1996, p.1. [[i]45]The Times of
India, 25.8.2002. [[i]]
S. Anandhi, J. Jeyaranjan, R. Krishnan: “Work, Caste and Competing
Masculinities: notes from a Tamil village”, EPW, 26.10.2002, p.
4403-4. [[i]46]
“Cybersex”, The Economist, 4.1.1997, pp.66-68. [[i]47] “Sex After Supper”, TIME,
16.9.1996, p.37. [[i]48] Sham Lal:“The Pathology of Globalisation”,
BIBLIO, February 1996,
p.10-11. [[i]49]
Nani Palkhivala: “Role of Social Service in Society” (First Leela
Moolgaokar Oration, 1993), We the Nation (UBSPD,
1995). [[i]50] Carol Andrade op.cit. [[i]51]
Sunanda Sanyal: “The Academia”, The Statesman, 12-14 February
1996. [[i]52]
Amrita Pritam op.cit. [[i]53]
Seshan op.cit. pp.92-94. [[i]54]
The Times of India,
25.9.1995, p.6; Ratna Kapur: “Who Draws the Line?” EPW April 20-27, 1996,
p.21-23; Moni Nag: “Aids extravaganza in Vancouver”, EPW Nov.
9-16, 1996, p.2989. [[i]55]
Soumitro Das: “Religious and corrupt country”, The Statesman,
20.1.2002. [[i]56]
P. Sainath: “The Age of Inequality” in India: Another Millennium? Ed. Romila Thapar, Viking
Penguin Books, New Delhi, 2000. [[i]57]
Chairman’s addressto the 59th A.G.M. of ACC
held on 30.8.1995 and to the 61st AGM
on 3.9.1997. C.K. Mathew in “The Rule of Law Begins at Home”, The
Times of India, 18.1.1997, p.10, stresses the breakdown of family
values as the core problem. [[i]58]
Nirmal Verma in The Express Magazine 29.12.1996, p.2. [[i]59]
S.C. Kashyap, member
NCRWC, “Fifty years of
missed chances”, Indian Express, 21.6.2002, p.8. [[i]60]
Quoted in Mother India, April 1998, p. 270.
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