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PlainSpeak
Pakistan’s Jinnah
was No Secularist
by Dr. Subhash Kapila
Pakistan’s founder Mohammad Ali Jinnah seems to have
emerged as the flavor of the season in South Asia by the release of a
book on him by BJP’s now expelled senior leader Jaswant Singh.
Consequent to the release of this book politicians, academics and
historians in India and Pakistan are avidly trying to belatedly and in
revisionist terms trying to paint and whitewash Jinnah as having been a
great secularist who was pushed to demand a separate Muslim State of
Pakistan. Jinnah was no secularist by any objective analysis of the
turbulent Indian political scene from 1916 to 1947. Jinnah’s last speech
in Pakistan’s Constituent Assembly on August 11, 1947 where he alluded
to secularism was a belated and much belated attempt to reclaim for
himself in history that he was not a rank “communalist”. Jinnah’s very
demand for a separate homeland for Indian Muslims was in essence and
intentions not “secularist” by any stretch of history and imagination..
Jinnah’s demand for Pakistan was outright “communal” laced with intense
religious Muslim fanaticism and violence that he unleashed on the Hindu
majority to achieve his demand for Pakistan.
Pakistan today would not be in the state that it is today in had a
“secularist” Jinnah bequeathed “secularism” as a political legacy to the
nation of which he was the founder. Further, Jinnah’s pernicious “Two
Nation Theory’ which formed the basis for his demand for Pakistan, was
repudiated by Indian Muslims at the time of Partition itself when over
thirty million Indian Muslims opted to stay back in the Indian Republic
in comparison to about eight million who moved to Pakistan in search of
Jinnah’s elusive dream and still termed as Mohajjirs.
In a strange coincidence of historical irony, Pakistan’s political
turbulence is today dominated by the same phenomena that were used as
political tools by Jinnah to secure Pakistan from an unwilling Indian
political leadership reluctant to concede Partition, namely intolerance
and political violence in the name of Islam.
In India it should not be anyone’s case that had India’s political
leaders not pushed Jinnah and accommodated his demands for political
parity with the Hindu majority community India would have remained
united or in some form of confederacy, a reality check would indicate
otherwise.
One does not know what reasons impelled Jaswant Singh to carry out a
revisionist appraisal of Pakistan’s founder Jinnah. Why was Jaswant
Singh quiet on the subject for more than three decades of his political
life with the BJP? Was it to reinforce the RSS’s dreams of ‘Akhand
Bharat?
Or was it to position himself advantageously with the Indian Muslim
electorate in relation to the next elections and project his secular
image and as a moderate Hindu despite being in the BJP?
It is not for this Columnist to be judgmental on Jaswant Singh’s motives
but then he is not in a position either to stop those who want to
speculate on those lines. Possibly his revisionist views on Jinnah would
not have drawn much attention in India but for the controversy he has
generated through this book of holding Nehru and Sardar Patel as equally
guilty as Jinnah for bringing about the Partition of India.
This Columnist has serious doubts whether all the accommodative stances
of Nehru and Sardar Patel in accommodating Jinnah’s unreasonable demands
would have in any way persuaded Jinnah from his obsessive and consuming
passion of securing Pakistan at any cost. Jinnah’s directions to unleash
unparalleled violence and arson by ‘Direct Action’ on the Hindu majority
in Calcutta in 1946 was the true indicator as to what violent lengths
Jinnah was ready to go to fulfill his obsession, and further that he was
no “secularist” willing to co-exist in a secular India.
Nehru and Sardar Patel were right in their judgment that the appeasement
of Jinnah could go no further and that a parting of the ways was the
only viable option then left.
September 13,
2009
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