Nov 03, 2025
Nov 03, 2025
"We never had anything  		like the Republic we are going to have now..." - That was Dr Rajendra  		Prasad, as he put the motion for the adoption of India's new  		Constitution to vote in the Constituent Assembly two months before India  		became a republic in November 1949.
Imagine for a minute that shambolic entity called the Republic of India  		at that moment, with its 361 million people and innumerable needs,  		demands and expectations. Not all of these people received the  		Republic's attention. 
As fresh evidence emerges  		of India's unconscionably high rates of maternal mortality (MMR) and  		infant mortality (IMR) - UNICEF's 'State of the World's Children 2009'  		has just put India's MMR at 450 per 100,000 live births and its IMR at  		57 per 1,000 live births - it points to the lack of support accorded to  		the nation's young mothers.
Who were these women anyway? According to Census data, women numbered  		around 175 million in 1951. They had a life expectancy below the  		national average of 40 years. By age 16, they were more likely than not  		to have been married, and they would have given birth, on an average, to  		six children in the course of their lifetimes. The poet A.K. Ramanujam  		may well have been describing one of them when he once wrote, "I see my  		mother run back/from the rain to the crying cradles..."
It is not as if the leaders and planners of the Republic did not have  		the right perspectives or the necessary empathy. As early as 1946, the  		Health Survey and Development Committee of the Government of India had  		noted that morbidity in Indian women was the result of malnutrition,  		frequent pregnancies and anemia. In 1955, Prime Minister Jawaharlal  		Nehru, in his foreword to 'Social Welfare in India - The Planning  		Commission', observed: "...Welfare must be the common property of  		everyone in India and not the monopoly of the privileged groups as it is  		today. If I may be allowed to lay greater stress on some, they would be  		the welfare of children, the status of women and the welfare of the  		tribal and hilly people in our country." The Planning Commission's  		'Plans and Prospects for Social Welfare in India, 1951-1961' laid down  		in the narrative for the First Five Year Plan that "Women are considered  		to be handicapped by social customs and social values and therefore  		social welfare services have specially endeavored to rehabilitate them."
With such telling observations and with such excellent intentions, why  		did the country lose the plot on maternal mortality? How did things go  		so wrong that, today, India does worse than the much-poorer Bangladesh  		in terms of its under-five mortality rate? That one in 71 of India's  		women die of maternity related factors, compared to China's one in  		1,300?
The feisty, clear-sighted women, who wrote the Report of the Status of  		Women Committee in 1974, had sounded the alarm bells loud enough. They  		had warned of the consequences of the steadily declining share of  		investment in the social services and the easy assumption that all  		welfare programmes will benefit women indirectly, if not directly. The  		Committee had pointed to the inadequate number of maternity beds which,  		in 1968, constituted less than 17 per cent of total hospital facilities  		and to the fact that only about nine per cent of births in rural areas  		were attended by trained personnel. It had expressed concern that the  		numbers of auxiliary nurse midwives were clearly inadequate and that the  		masses of Indian women were consigned to the status of "expendable  		assets". 
The Committee had also  		tracked the health budget and flagged the fact that by the Third Five  		Year Plan (1961-1966), India was allocating more to Family Planning (Rs  		269.70 crore) than to health programmes (Rs 226 crore). It observed:  		"From the Third Plan ... restraint of population growth received a much  		greater emphasis and priority, with time-bound targets for reducing the  		birth rate and heavy investment in the administrative network to mount  		the programmes on the lines of a military operation... Some state  		governments even adopted measures to deny maternity benefits to women  		government servants after the third child. We feel strong about this  		measure, for the denial of maternity benefits to a working woman is  		likely to affect both the health of the mother as well as that of the  		child." This, incidentally, was stated years before the political  		backlash to forced sterilizations during the emergency manifested  		itself.
While the Fifth Plan tried to correct this trend somewhat, health  		continued to figure low in national priorities, with expenditure on  		public health declining from 1.3 per cent of the GDP in 1990 to 0.9 per  		cent in 1999. There is, then, a history to the stark figures that stare  		out of UNICEF's 'State of the World's Children 2009 Report', a history  		of callous administration and deliberate neglect. The UNICEF report  		underlines that "Growing inequities, combined with shortages in the  		provision of primary health care and the rising cost of care are  		complicating the country's efforts to meet the health-related Millennium  		Development Goals."
The high maternal mortality levels in India are the direct consequence  		of four factors. One, the lack of agency of the expectant mother -  		National Family Health Survey-3 (NFHS-3) estimates that 45 per cent of  		Indian women are married before they reach the age of 18 and that 37 per  		cent of married women face domestic violence. Two, the poor general  		health of the mothers: here again the NFHS-3 reveals that 56.2 per cent  		of "ever-married women aged 15-49" were anemic. Three, serious  		infrastructural lacunae, ranging from poor quality village roads to  		badly equipped primary health centers and district hospitals. Four,  		direct causes such as hemorrhage, sepsis, eclampsia, obstructed labor  		and complications of abortion, which may or may not be linked with the  		other three factors.
Maternal health is the fountainhead of social well-being including, most  		crucially, infant health. The National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) has  		the potential to be a catalyst for such well-being, with its strategy to  		train at the household level Accredited Social Health Activists (ASHAs),  		expand the agency of Panchayati Raj institutions in health delivery, and  		strengthen the existing three-tiered system - of sub-centers to cover  		3,000-5,000 people; primary health centers to cater to 20,000 to 30,000  		people, and community health centers, with at least 30 beds, covering a  		population of 80,000 to 1,20,000.
The point is that you don't need high technology to bring down maternal  		mortality rates. Dr Abhay and Dr Rani Bhang's interventions in  		Gadchiroli, Maharashtra - providing home-based health care delivered  		through trained female community health workers - brought down the  		neonatal mortality rate in the region by 70 per cent. 
What the Republic needs to do today is to make up for lost time and keep  		both Mother India and the Other India at the centre of its health  		delivery. 
25-Jan-2009
More by : Pamela Philipose